Rematch in the 3rd: Brian Jack’s Record Meets Maura Keller’s Challenge

Two years ago, voters in Georgia’s 3rd Congressional District chose between Brian Jack and Maura Keller, and it was not close. Jack won with 66.3% of the vote, taking 273,036 votes to Keller’s 138,749.

This November, they will do it again.

It is easy to look at that margin and decide there is nothing to discuss. The district also carries a Cook Partisan Voting Index of R+15, making it one of the more reliably Republican seats in Georgia. 

But this rematch is different. When Jack was first elected in 2024, it was an open seat. Back then, voters were weighing promises. This time, one of the two candidates has a record. The other has had two years to watch what that record produced.

The Citizen has already given readers a good sense of who these two people are. Editor Ellie White-Stevens expansively profiled Jack when he was first elected, and more recently rode along with Jack from a Fayette GOP event to the Tyrone Post Office in June (Brian Jack Talks Data Centers, Trump Policies, and Iran on Ride to Tyrone). She also sat down with Keller a couple weeks ago (Maura Keller on Service, Moral Courage and a Second Run for Congress). They are worth reading. This piece is meant to do something different.

For Jack, I question what he did for us when the interests of this district and the wishes of the White House pointed in different directions. 

For Keller, I question whether a candidate with a serious résumé and no voting record can show voters she can do what the job requires.

I sent both campaigns written questions on the same set of issues and offered to speak with them. Keller answered hers in writing and then took follow-up questions from me by phone. Her answers are quoted throughout.

When I sent Jack’s campaign questions, a representative told me the Congressman would respond. After some silence, I followed up and was again assured the campaign was interested. 

He then did not respond.

Where Jack’s positions appear below, they come from his public statements, his votes, and his earlier interviews with The Citizen. 

Who Lives Here

Before we dig into it, let’s first start with who we are.

Georgia’s 3rd stretches from the south metro suburbs to the Alabama line, covering all of Carroll, Coweta, Haralson, Harris, Heard, Lamar, Meriwether, Pike, Spalding, Troup and Upson counties, and parts of Douglas, Fayette, Henry and Muscogee. In Fayette, that means about three quarters of the county, including all of Peachtree City and most of Fayetteville.

Our district is roughly 800,000 people, about 60% urban and 40% rural, with a median household income a little over $83,000. It is a district of commuters, manufacturers, farmers, retirees, and film crews. We do not always want the same things from Washington.

It is also not uniformly red, and our corner of it is changing fast. In 2024, Jack took 68.61% in Coweta but 57% in Fayette.

As I wrote in May, the Republican presidential margin in Fayette has shrunk by about 28 points in 12 years. Fayette was one of only 24 Georgia counties to move toward Democrats in 2024 while the country moved the other way. Kamala Harris’s 3.1-point loss here was the closest a Democratic presidential candidate has come since Jimmy Carter in 1976. 

Complicating things even more for Republicans, more Fayette voters pulled Democratic ballots than Republican ones in this May’s primary — 16,742 to 15,975 in the Senate race. Jack himself told The Citizen in June that he expects Fayette to be the “ultimate swing county” in 2026.

Within Fayette, the two largest cities look like two different places. 

Peachtree City skews older and wealthier. Its median age is 44.5, compared with 37.6 for Georgia and 38.9 for the country.

Meanwhile, Fayetteville is younger and more diverse. Its Black population now exceeds its White population.

How The Lines Were Drawn

Part of why this district looks safe on paper for Republicans is that it was drawn to be safe.

Georgia is a closely divided state. Trump carried it by about two points in 2024, yet Republicans hold nine of Georgia’s 14 congressional seats. That split was set by the 2021 map and preserved in December 2023.

The 2023 map created a new majority-Black 6th District that reaches from south Fulton into northern Fayette, taking in parts of Fayetteville and Tyrone. In that part of the county, Democrat Lucy McBath won 70.4% in 2024. The rest of the county, including all of Peachtree City, stayed in the 3rd. The practical effect is that many of Fayette’s most Democratic neighborhoods vote for a different member of Congress, and the part left in Jack’s district is older, whiter, and more Republican than the county as a whole.

The lines may not last. In April, the Supreme Court’s Louisiana v. Callais decision narrowed how race can be used in redistricting, and Gov. Brian Kemp called a special session in June to redraw the maps. Republican legislative leaders declined to take it up, so the 2026 election runs on the current map. But House Speaker Jon Burns has said Callais requires new maps before 2028. 

Whoever wins in November may be running in a different district two years from now.

Incumbent Brian Jack

You could argue Brian Jack is one of us, at least by address. He was raised in Kedron Village and interned twice at Peachtree City Hall, once for the city planner and once for then-Mayor Vanessa Fleisch. He graduated from Woodward Academy in 2006 and Pepperdine University in 2010. He is 38.

Almost his entire adult career has been spent in national Republican politics: 

• He worked at the Republican National Committee and at AIPAC.
• He then ran volunteer ballot qualification for Ben Carson’s 2016 presidential campaign.
• In March 2016 he joined Donald Trump’s campaign as national delegate director and led the effort to defeat the “Never Trump” movement at the Republican convention. 
• He entered the White House as Deputy Political Director in January 2017, became White House Political Director in 2019, and was promoted to Assistant to the President, the highest staff rank, in 2020. 
• When Trump launched his 2024 campaign, Jack was one of its three key advisors and managed the effort to lock down endorsements from Republican officeholders.

His own congressional website puts it plainly. Before Congress, he was one of President Trump’s longest-serving aides.

When Drew Ferguson retired, Jack entered the race with Trump’s endorsement. He took 46.7% in a five-way primary and 62.6% in the runoff against former state Senate Majority Leader Mike Dugan, then beat Keller by two to one. He ran unopposed in the 2026 Republican primary.

In Washington, Jack moved fast. His freshman class elected him to the Republican Steering Committee, the panel that hands out committee assignments. He was the only freshman on the House Rules Committee, which decides which bills reach the floor and under what terms. He also sits on Oversight and chairs the Small Business Subcommittee on Innovation, Entrepreneurship and Workforce Development.

That is an unusual amount of influence for a first-term member. A member with that kind of access has more ability than most to push back when his leadership asks for something that would hurt the people at home. 

So what did he do with that power?

Challenger Maura Keller

Maura Keller is 67 and has lived in Fayetteville for about 30 years, where she raised four children. She was born in Weymouth, Massachusetts and, as she told The Citizen, considers herself a Georgian with a northern accent.

She enlisted in the Army in 1978 at 17 as a military policewoman, earned her commission in 1982, and retired as a lieutenant colonel in 2004 after 26 years. She then spent roughly a decade as a Defense Department contractor on projects for the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness, the Chief of the Army Reserve, and the Defense Language Institute. After that she went back to school, earned a nuclear medicine degree from Augusta University in 2017, and worked as a nuclear medicine technologist at the Atlanta VA until January 2024, when she left to run for Congress. White-Stevens’ profile covers that career in more depth.

She has never held elective office. Her 2024 run was her first campaign, and her campaign says she broke the Democratic turnout record in the district by nearly 10,000 votes while losing. Her 2024 campaign raised $121,683, which her campaign describes as a record for a Democrat in the district, and she passed $100,000 before this year’s primary, which she won with about 60% over George Melville Johnson.

That is a fraction of the $2.3 million Jack raised in 2024.

Asked why she is running again after losing by 33 points, Keller told me, “I’m running again because I believe every voter deserves to have a choice at the ballot box.” She pointed to her improved vote share in 2024 as a sign the district is moving, and said she has heard from many Republican voters this cycle who are frustrated with the incumbent.

She calls her operation the “coupon-clipping” campaign with door knocking, phone banks, and postcards instead of television. By her account, it has reached tens of thousands of voters across all 15 counties with several dozen volunteers and seven interns. She told me that when she canvassed recently in Upson County, nearly everyone she spoke to said she was the first candidate who had ever knocked on their door.

Health Care Costs

Now let’s look at where each candidate stands, beginning with the issue where the record is clearest and the consequences are easily measured.

At the end of 2025, the enhanced Affordable Care Act subsidies that had been in place since 2021 expired. Georgia was hit hard because the state never fully expanded Medicaid. Huge numbers of Georgians just above the poverty line buy coverage through the state exchange, Georgia Access. In 2025, the exchange enrolled more than 1.5 million Georgians, and 93% of them relied on those subsidies.

Here is what happened when they went away:

• Georgia Access enrollment fell from 1.5 million in January 2025 to about 950,000 by April 2026, a 37% drop that dwarfs any decline since the marketplace launched in 2014. The state now puts enrollment at about 900,000.
• For people who kept their coverage, the average net monthly premium roughly doubled, from $69 to $148.
• Anyone earning more than about $62,600 as a single person now gets no federal help at all. For some Georgians, premiums more than tripled.
• Proposed 2027 rates on Georgia Access are up as much as 20% or more on top of all that. Those numbers are not final until open enrollment begins November 1.

The people hit hardest are easy to identify, and Peachtree City has more of them than most places. 

ACA premiums increase steeply with age, and the loss of the enhanced subsidies restored a hard cutoff at 400% of the poverty line, about $84,600 for a couple. For a 60-year-old couple earning just over that line, premiums can at least double.

Roughly a third of Peachtree City residents are 55 or older, and the median household earns about $114,000. A couple who retired a few years before Medicare and lives on a pension and savings can easily lose all federal help at once. The same is true for self-employed residents and for film crew members who work at Trilith between productions, none of whom get insurance through an employer.

The White House did not want to extend the subsidies that helped residents like these. President Trump publicly opposed an extension and argued the money should go directly to patients rather than insurance companies. He told House Republicans they might need to be “flexible,” but after the House passed an extension, he attacked the Republicans who voted for it and said he would consider a veto. Speaker Mike Johnson called it really bad policy.

Jack helped carry out that position. In December 2025, the House Rules Committee, on which he sits, blocked amendments to extend the subsidies from reaching the floor. Republicans from swing districts went around their own leadership with a discharge petition, and in January, 17 of them joined every Democrat to pass a three-year extension 230 to 196. Jack was not among them.

This is the clearest case in Jack’s first term where the White House and what benefits us diverged. Jack sided with the President.

Health care also runs through Jack’s signature vote. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which Jack called President Trump’s “signature campaign promise”, paid for part of its tax cuts with reductions in Medicaid. An American Hospital Association study estimates Georgia’s rural hospitals will lose around $540 million over 10 years and about 17,000 rural Georgians will lose Medicaid coverage. It is projected Georgia’s uninsured population would grow by roughly 150,000 from the law’s combined changes. 

Having said all this, the law does include a $50 billion rural health fund spread over five years. Georgia’s first-year share is $218.8 million, and the latest round of $93.3 million is going to 87 rural hospitals across the state. That helps, but the grants end after five years. The cuts do not. 

It is also fair to note that many rural hospitals were already losing money before the bill passed. As one analyst told FactCheck.org, it will be hard to pin any single closure directly on these changes. But the direction is not in dispute. The state’s health sector was expected to lose more than $3.5 billion this year because of the subsidy expiration alone.

I asked Jack whether the rural fund is a partial patch on a wound the bill itself created, whether he would accept responsibility if a rural hospital in the district closes or constituents lose Medicaid because of changes he voted for, and whether he supports Medicaid expansion. 

He did not respond.

Keller has made health care the center of her campaign. She would push to restore the subsidies immediately, but she was candid that restoring them will not undo the damage quickly. “At the very least, 2027 will be a hard year for people here unless we expand those subsidies as soon as possible,” she wrote.

For the longer-term coverage gap, she said she would work with both parties on “the right combination of subsidized coverage expansion tied to sensible solutions like corporate tax increases,” and added that it “would of course be CBO-approved.”

On rural hospitals, she argued that the $50 billion fund does not come close to offsetting the Medicaid cuts in the same law, and that the real fix is a permanent investment in rural care and a reversal of the Medicaid changes.

Taxes and the One Big Beautiful Bill

Jack’s case for reelection rests heavily on this law.

In his own words, it delivered No Tax on Tips, No Tax on Overtime, and a new $6,600 deduction for seniors along with a larger Child Tax Credit and new “Trump Accounts” for newborns. Those are benefits, and for a server in Newnan, a shift worker in Griffin, or a retiree in Carrollton, they show up on a tax return.

The law also extended the 2017 tax cuts, and analysts found that the largest gains from that extension go to households in the highest income brackets. It shifted part of SNAP’s cost onto states for the first time, a change projected to cost Georgia $812 million a year to sustain its current program. And it did not extend the ACA subsidies discussed above.

Those costs are not spread evenly. A family with tipped income and no marketplace insurance probably came out ahead. An early retiree on Georgia Access almost certainly did not, and the healthcare premium increase can easily erase a year of tax savings in a single month.

When The Citizen asked Jack in June about concerns over cuts to social programs, his answer returned repeatedly to the economy, predicting strong growth in the months ahead. 

Those months have now passed, and the growth did not arrive: 

• The economy grew at a 2.2% annual rate in the second quarter, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis, which was slower than the first quarter. 
• Hiring has nearly stalled as employers added just 29,000 jobs in September, far fewer than economists expected. 
• Unemployment rose to 4.2%, and wages are falling behind inflation. 
• Consumer prices were up 3.4% over the past year in August, driven by a 27% jump in gasoline prices tied to the Iran war. 
• In September, the Federal Reserve raised interest rates for the first time since 2023.

Keller’s alternative is to roll back tax breaks for large corporations. When I asked how she would pay for her commitments without adding to the deficit, her written answer listed White House spending items like ballrooms and helipads. 

Those make for good applause lines for certain audiences, but they are rounding errors next to programs the size of Social Security and Medicare. I told her so on the phone.

Social Security and Wages

Social Security’s retirement trust fund is projected to run out in late 2032. At that point, under current law, benefits would be cut automatically by about 22%.

In writing, Keller said Social Security “must be protected and reformed,” without saying how. On the phone, she got specific. 

She said she meets once or twice a month with a group connected to the Concord Coalition, the nonpartisan fiscal responsibility group now led by former Georgia Congresswoman Carolyn Bourdeaux, to work through the options. The ones she named were raising the cap on income subject to the payroll tax, removing the cap entirely, and means testing benefits. She ruled out raising the retirement age to 70 and making Social Security optional, which she said would leave people with nothing when they retire.

Meanwhile, Jack has promoted the new senior tax deduction, but I could not find any public plan from him to close the Social Security shortfall before 2032.

On the minimum wage, which has been stuck at $7.25 since July 2009, Keller’s written answer said only that it must go up. On the phone, she named a number. She cited a study putting a livable wage in Georgia at $22, then said plainly that it is not realistic: “We’re not going to see that.” Her position is to start at $15 and move up incrementally from there.

Tariffs, Iran, and Prices

Jack has been a consistent defender of the administration’s trade policy. At the 3rd District GOP convention in 2025, he argued that we should tax other countries to enrich American citizens rather than the reverse, pointing to the district’s history as a textile hub.

There are local winners during Jack’s time in office. Carrollton-based wire and cable maker Southwire publicly thanked Jack for copper and aluminum tariffs that protect it from foreign competitors. His clearest legislative accomplishment is related. He championed H.J.Res. 20, which repealed a federal efficiency rule threatening the tankless water heaters built at Rinnai’s plant in Griffin. Rinnai’s North American operations are headquartered in Peachtree City. Jack spoke for the bill in two Rules hearings and a Small Business hearing and delivered the Republican closing remarks on the floor. It passed the House 221 to 198, with 11 Democrats, became law in May 2025, and Rinnai’s president credited Jack with preserving over 200 jobs.

While these are good, the harder question is what the broader trade policy has cost everyone else in the district.

For the tariffs that helped companies like Southwire, nearly 90% of their economic burden fell on U.S. firms and consumers. The Yale Budget Lab now estimates that tariffs cost the typical household more than $1,000 a year. Assuming we have roughly 300,000 households in this district, that adds up to more than $300 million a year.

The tariffs were sold as a way to bring factories back, and so far they have not. The country lost 89,000 manufacturing jobs between April 2025 and February 2026 as tariffs raised the cost of the steel, aluminum, and parts that American factories buy. Factory employment was already slipping before the tariffs, but they did not reverse the trend. More locally, Hyundai and Kia have paid an estimated $7.5 billion in U.S. tariffs, a cost that could be pushed onto the parts suppliers that serve the Kia plant in West Point.

The district’s farmers have unfortunately taken hits from both directions. Tariffs raised the cost of farm equipment, and Canada’s retaliation targets Georgia exports including steel, lumber, and pecans.

In February, the Supreme Court ruled 6 to 3 that the emergency law behind the President’s broadest tariffs did not authorize them because the power to tax imports belongs to Congress. Importers are now in line for roughly $166 billion in refunds. The households that paid those costs through higher prices are not.

That ruling matters for judging Jack because it confirms Congress had the power to check these tariffs all along, and Jack sits on the committee that decides whether the House gets to use it. In March 2025, House Republicans used a Rules Committee measure to block votes on repealing the tariffs for the rest of the year. In February 2026, the committee approved, on a party-line vote, language blocking tariff challenges through July.

Jack has only talked about one side of that ledger — the side the White House talks about. While 200 jobs at Rinnai are real, so is the tariff bill paid by every other household in this district. And when Congress had a chance to weigh in on it, Jack’s committee worked to keep the House from voting.

On Iran, Jack told The Citizen in June that he trusts the president’s judgment and wants him to have flexibility to negotiate.

Keller would remove what she calls the harmful tariffs, restrict presidential tariff powers, and push to end the conflict with Iran. She wants seats on the Agriculture, Health, and Veterans Affairs committees, and ties both issues to farm costs like fertilizer, diesel, and equipment. She also backs the Agricultural Right to Repair Act.

She wrote that ending the tariffs and the Iran conflict would “immediately reduce the price of goods.”

Data Centers

The two candidates are closer here than you might expect.

Riding past the QTS campus in Fayetteville, Jack said he was inspired by residents calling for countywide referendums on projects of that scale. He questioned whether Fayette and Coweta need data centers at all, arguing that businesses already want to come here on their own and that data centers make more sense for struggling rural counties.

That position at home sits awkwardly next to his party’s position in Washington. In July 2025, President Trump signed an executive order to fast-track federal permitting for large data centers, including streamlined environmental reviews and federal financial support for projects using more than 100 megawatts. The QTS campus in Fayetteville is the kind of project the order was written to speed up. 

I asked Jack what he has done at the federal level to keep residential ratepayers from subsidizing these projects, and whether Fayette is an appropriate site for facilities of this scale. 

He did not respond.

Keller calls the unchecked growth of large data centers the most significant problem she wants to address. She said she would sponsor a tax on hyperscale data centers to recover the benefit they get from Georgia’s cheap electricity, and would “consider a temporary moratorium on new hyperscale builds” while the effects are studied. She also wants to end the nondisclosure agreements that keep local residents from knowing what is being proposed.

When I pointed out that most of the tax breaks and utility deals she was describing come from the state legislature and county governments, not Congress, she did not dispute it. Instead she pointed to pending federal bills, including the Data Center Transparency Act, which would require the EPA and the Energy Information Administration to report on data centers’ water, air, and energy impacts. Her frustration with those bills was that they are all Democratic bills with no Republican cosponsors. “They sit in committee, and then they just sit there to die,” she said.

Veterans

This is Keller’s home turf, and her answers showed it.

Her first priority at the VA, she wrote, would be simple: “I would stop firing people.” She said the VA’s real problem is hiring, and drew on her own experience: “I could get hired in other local hospitals and begin working in 2-3 weeks. The VA, 9 to 10 months.” 

Beyond staffing, she wants care to move faster between VA facilities and community providers, so veterans are not stuck between referrals and authorizations, with the VA still responsible for coordinating their care.

She also said the thing she can do from day one, even as a minority freshman, is casework. That leads to her most pointed criticism of Jack. She said veterans and other constituents have come to her after failing to get responses from his office, and described one veteran who told Jack’s staff he was calling Keller instead. She said they called him back within twenty minutes.

That is one side of the story. Jack says his office has returned more than $7 million to constituents through casework, and The Citizen has previously reported on his office helping a Peachtree City cancer patient.

I asked Jack what his office has done on VA casework, how he would measure whether it is working, and which of his veterans bills has become law or advanced out of committee. 

He did not respond.

Immigration

Jack’s record here is clear and consistent with what he promised. He cosponsored the Laken Riley Act, voted to fund the administration’s border agenda, and supports the SAVE America Act.

Keller’s position is more centrist than some voters might assume from the party label. “We need to secure our borders, 100%,” she wrote. She wants legal routes into the country to work, and people with violent records kept out. 

She was sharply critical of enforcement tactics, saying she is “absolutely appalled” by the treatment of U.S. citizens by ICE and by conditions in detention centers. She would push to change ICE policies and either improve or repurpose Georgia’s detention facilities. “We can’t let everyone in, and we can’t arrest everyone with an accent, but we have to have a reasonable middle ground where our people feel safe.”

Showing Up

During the 2024 campaign, Jack told the Newnan Times-Herald that he wanted to bring back in-person town halls, and said people expect accountability and just want to be heard. In January 2025, he told The Citizen he had pledged to hold 15 town halls across the district’s 15 counties.

That spring, constituents in Newnan organized their own town hall during a congressional recess, saying his office had none scheduled. The Fayette County Democratic Committee planned one at McIntosh High School and invited Jack to attend. That event was later postponed.

Instead of showing up to talk to constituents, his office has hosted Cabinet members. Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins’s visit to Carroll County in July was, by Jack’s count, the ninth visit by a member of the Cabinet to the district in two years. Education Secretary Linda McMahon toured Newnan’s Central Educational Center in January, and Vice President JD Vance came to Peachtree City in August 2025. 

I found no record of Jack holding an open, in-person town hall during his term. I asked his campaign directly whether that picture is accurate, and whether he would commit to at least one open town hall in the district before November.

He did not respond.

Keller has promised to publish her schedule and hold regular town halls.

What Should We Make Of This?

Look at Jack’s first term as a whole and a clear pattern emerges. 

When the district’s interests and the White House’s wishes lined up, Jack delivered. 

• The Rinnai water heater repeal saved jobs in Griffin and was an administration priority. 
• The tariffs helped a Carrollton employer while being an administration priority. 
• The nine Cabinet visits and the Vice President’s stop in Peachtree City all came from a member with unusual access to the administration.

However, when our local interests and the White House diverged, he chose the White House.

• When Georgia’s marketplace enrollees faced premiums doubling and the district’s early retirees faced the subsidy cliff, 17 Republicans, many of them in competitive districts, broke with leadership. Jack, sitting on the Rules Committee, did not. 
• When the tax law cut Medicaid and shifted SNAP costs onto a state where this district’s rural counties depend on both, he called it the President’s signature promise. 
• When the administration argued that other countries pay for tariffs, he repeated the argument, even though the research says we pay most of it. 
• When the White House moved to fast-track the kind of data centers many Fayette County residents are fighting, he declined to say what he has done about it in Washington.

Jack’s supporters have a fair counterargument. He ran in 2024 as Trump’s guy and won by 33 points. Voting with the President is what this district asked for. But I doubt we voted to double premiums for early retirees in Peachtree City or to cut the Medicaid funding Georgia’s rural hospitals depend on. 

Representation means knowing the difference between serving us and serving Washington. 

I asked Jack to name a single vote where he broke with the President or Speaker Johnson. 

He did not respond.

The unkept town hall promise fits the same pattern. One of the best-connected freshmen in Congress has been more accessible to Cabinet secretaries than to the people who elected him. Every question I sent, which his campaign said he was interested in answering, was about his record in this district. A congressman confident in that record should be able to defend it to the local paper in his own hometown. But alas.

Meanwhile, his challenger Keller stepped up to answer questions, and she was strongest where she had lived the issue. On health care, Social Security, the minimum wage, and veterans, she was more specific than her public platform suggests, and it showed that she has done real work on the subjects closest to her own life.

But there were gaps: 

• When I asked her to name one issue where she would break with Democratic leadership, the point of her pledge to join the Problem Solvers Caucus, she said, “I can’t think of an issue at the moment.” For a candidate criticizing Jack for his party loyalty, that matters. 
• She could not say how she would help small businesses absorb a higher minimum wage. 
• Her promise that ending the tariffs and the Iran conflict would lower prices immediately overstates what any Congress could deliver.

Keller would also arrive in Washington as a freshman in the minority party with none of Jack’s relationships, which means her ability to deliver for the district, at least early on, would be limited.

Here’s Where You Come In

Brian Jack is well-connected and genuinely from here. When this district’s interests have matched the White House’s, he has delivered for it as well as any freshman could. When they have not, he has sided with the White House.

Maura Keller is a serious person with a serious résumé and an uphill climb, on a map drawn to make that climb steep. Where she has lived the issues, she has done the homework. Where she has not, she still has homework to do.

The question in front of voters is not really which of them is a better person. It should be whether the last two years have made your life in this district easier or harder, and whether the person representing you has been willing to stand in a room and answer for it.

That is a question only you can answer. 

The election is November 3rd.