Whatever the swastika has symbolized
through the ages, it now stands almost universally for hatred, racism
and even genocide. At least such are the connotations in the minds of
the vast majority of our contemporaries.
This change of meaning is possible
because of a general principle: meaning is not inherent in things but
is conferred by rational minds. Meaning follows usage.
To put this more formally,
a symbol S has meaning M if and only if someone believes that S has M.
This, of course, allows that a symbol may mean different things to different
people, though the Nazi appropriation of the swastika has rendered its
meaning all but monolithic.
Consider the current "Hatred
or Heritage?" debate over the 1956 Georgia state flag. Flag defenders
often urge that the Confederate battle flag which takes up two-thirds
of the Georgia flag symbolizes a Southern heritage, which they wish to
keep alive. It represents the noble and principled Robert E. Lee and the
heroic soldiers who served under him against overwhelming odds. The men
in General Pickett's division who marched into almost certain death for
the sake of their cause carried that flag.
Defenders of the flag observe
that 90 percent of such men were not slaveholders, and therefore should
not be thought of as defending slavery.
Rather, they were defending
their way of life from what they perceived to be an oppressive federal
government that threatened the liberties guaranteed them by the Constitution.
Some contemporary flag defenders
still defend states' rights over against perceived encroachments of the
federal government. Even for such advocates of the flag and states' rights,
at least for some such advocates, issues of race are quite beside the
point.
Unfortunately, the familiar
Confederate battle flag represents something other than nobility and valor
in the minds of many. Some see it as a symbol of racial oppression.
This, of course, stems from
the observation that, even if the War Between the States was not about
slavery, it was certainly precipitated by the slavery issue and resulted
in the abolition of that institution.
Had those who carried that
flag prevailed then, at best, the peculiar institution would have died
a slow natural death. It is no work of creative fiction that leads many,
African-Americans in particular, to forge a conceptual link between that
symbol and this sad chapter of American history.
One may argue that the presence
of the battle flag represents only those nobler parts of our Southern
heritage, but the fact remains that some 28.7 percent of Georgia's population
are unlikely to see it as representing a heritage that they wish to keep
alive.
One may observe (rightly) that
the pre-1956 Georgia state flag was directly inspired by the "Stars
and Bars," the official flag of the Confederacy.
The argument often advanced
upon the heels of this observation is that there is nothing particularly
offensive about the 1956 flag since its predecessor bore similar historic
connections to the Confederate cause.
The problem with this argument,
however, is that it overlooks the significance that the battle flag came
to acquire in the century following the war.
It flew at the segregationist
Dixiecrat convention of 1948 and, in the intervening decade or so, came
to be associated more and more with racism and the issue of segregation.
Further, the Confederate battle
flag has been appropriated by a variety of white supremacist hate groups,
chiefly the KKK, over the years, and therefore has naturally come to be
associated with racial hatred and apartheid.
At least one recent flag defender
retorts here that the Klan has flown the U.S. flag at its rallies and
marches. He asks, "Why is that flag not regarded as 'divisive' as
well?" My answer is that, in flying both flags, the Klan is stating
that they want an America that is tempered by their racist ideals.
It is common for Klansmen to
regard themselves as patriots, defending constitutional liberties under
attack by the federal government and, perhaps, the political left.
For me, the decisive consideration
against the 1956 flag is precisely the fact that it is the 1956 flag.
If the Klan is one hate group that has appropriated the Confederate battle
flag, the 1956 Georgia Assembly is another.
Make no mistake about it: the
1956 flag was unfurled in defiance of federal antisegregation laws as
well as a thumbing of the nose to the then-fledgling civil rights movement.
Barely a month before signing
the flag into effect, Gov. Marvin S. Griffin said, in his State of the
State address, "There will be no mixing of the races in the public
schools and college classrooms of Georgia anywhere or at any time as long
as I am governor."
His predecessor, Herman Talmadge
had warned that "blood will flow in the streets of Atlanta"
as a result of the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education decision that effectively
struck down segregation in the public schools.
Flag defenders may tell you
that the 1956 flag was created to commemorate the Civil War centennial
that was then five years in the future. This is worse than implausible.
The bill that brought us that
flag is immersed within a series of acts of the Georgia Assembly that
were overtly racist, from their participation in the segregationist Southern
Manifesto to the Interposition Resolution of 1957.
Indeed, Denmark Groover, in
addressing the 1956 General Assembly, boasted that the new flag would
"... serve notice that we intend to uphold what we stood for, will
stand for, and will fight for." It was a repentant Denmark Groover
who addressed a similar assembly in 2001 in favor of striking the colors
that he had had a hand in hoisting some 45 years earlier.
Opposition to the 1956 flag
is not yet another silly appeal to political correctness. Nor is it trivial:
either our flags are statements of who we are and intend to be or they
might as well be sewn into laundry bags.
This flag will forever be associated
in the minds of many with the Georgia of such opponents to civil rights
as Lester (Axe Handle-in-Hand) Maddox. It is the official flag of Georgian
apartheid.
Those committed to the dignity
and equality of humanity should oppose its reinstatement.
Mark D. Linville, Ph.D.
Professor of Philosophy
Atlanta Christian College






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